Summary of Ch.5 of Mayan Lives, Mayan Vision: Chenalho
Roots of Acteal
Acteal lies in the municipality of San Pedro Chenalhó, which lies just north of San Cristóbal de las Casas. Events there, and leading to the Acteal massacre in 1997, have roots in over a century of resistance to oppression. The article discusses the rise of autonomy and resistance here, focusing on the period from the 1970s on, which saw the rise of the campesino movement, non traditional religions, the formation of coops in the 80s, and Las Abejas and the Zapatistas in the 90s.
Pedrano Identity
Pedranos have sought peaceful means to resistance while maintaining a sacred and united society. They struggle for more than just political self determination, but for freedom from all subjugation. Traditionally, they value both hard physical work (e.g., in the fields), and in cargos (performing traditional duties or participating in or supporting religious festivals), and view both as essential to living up to the Pedrano concept of a “true” man or woman. Their search for autonomy is a sacred one, influenced by their sense of their ancestors and religious beliefs, such as their belief in God and in the power of dreams and prayer.
Overview of Periods of Resistance and Repression
Land loss to haciendas had its roots in the 19th century, which caused Pedranos to seek work outside of their communities. A local scribe named Arias lead revolt in the 20s, during which Pedranos regained much of their land and self-governance in the 1920s. This self governance lasted until 1951, when the INI (Institute Nacional Indigenista) introduced young men as bilingual teachers and health promoters to the region, who eventually adopted over local government posts. In 1964 the INI gave way to Ministry of Education.
The 1970s saw the rise of campesino resistance, definition of resistance issues, and a multiplicity of power shifts. The campesino resistance rose in resistance to increasing poverty and powerlessness, with the state responding with programs to provide credit and assistance. Resistance issues that came to be defined were that campesinos had the right to land and education, freedom of religion, that women had rights as well as men. Problem drinking came to be politicized as well.
Various power shifts occurred: from domination of the PRI to decentralization of power to various political and resistance groups, and from domination of elders and men to inclusion of youth and women in decision making processes. Religious hegemony by traditional Catholics broadened to include Protestants and followers of the Word of God.
Rise of Alternative Religion
In the 70s, two new religious groups emerged in addition to the traditionalist Catholics: Protestants (mostly Presbyterians), and Catholic Liberation Theology, who followed the “preferential option for poor”, known locally as the Word of God.
Missionaries arrived in the 60s and enticed Predranos to Protestantism, who sought an alcohol free encironment and didn’t want to serve in cargos. Traditionalists, in contrast, saw drinking as way of showing respect to each other and to their dieties. Women connected personal troubles with politcal issues, a preparation for participation in Zapatistas an Las Abejas. Protestants believed in personal salvation vs Traditional belief in a collective soul, which would lead to conflicts concerning participation in cargos and donating for festivals.
The 1970s also saw the rise of Word of God, under the leadership of Bishop Samuel Ruíz (later to mediate the San Andreas talks). Teachers are known as catechists. Word of God used Christ’s teachings to teach pride in traditions and to look at the roots of oppression. Word of God also led a movement to control alcohol sales, both to conserve cash and maintain personal respect, and for moral reasons. By ‘88/9, there was stricter control of alcohol in some towns.
Religous Tension
With the rise of alternative religious groups, tensions rose in the 70s, with numerous persecutions and expulsions. In 70, PRI imposed an “agreement” that required Presbyterians to serve cargo. Catachists criticized elites and abuse of fincos at the Indian Conference in ’74. In ‘84, Santa Maria families were attacked. Divisions between religious groups formed. By ’89, the perception was one third in Chenalhó were Protestant. Traditionalist wanted to force contributions, and Protestants cited Article 24 of Constitution promising freedom of religion.
In 80s, the Protestants supported the PST, a socialist political group, who lost local elections but gained a foothold in 15 of 99 Chenalhò communities. This formed the seeds of the coffee coop PFCRN. Word of God supported ORIACH, a group for campesino interests, who were against PRI and teachers who represented elite interests.
Beginnings of Autonomy
The late 80s saw a further growth in poverty but increasing signs of autonomy.
Artisans and agriculture coops formed, which were seeds for upcoming autonomous movements. Women began using artisan markets, avoiding exploitive Ladino markets and govt dev. programs. Weaving at home was safe in an increasingly violent environment. Coops also developed women’s leadership skills. Here they developed a preference for decentralized models of governance and skepticism of both government and NGOs.
Las Abejas and the Zapatistas
Two paths for democracy in Chenalhó emerged. That of EZLN, which used force to get government’s attention, and that of Las Abejas to urge peaceful solutions. Until the late 90s, the two groups had trouble uniting against the PRI. By ’96, there were four groups: those who supported status quo (Traditionalists who supported the PRI), Las Abejas, Zapatistas, and independents, those who wouldn’t publicly support either opposition group.
Las Abejas, a pacifist group consisting primarily of Catholics (WoG members?), was founded in 1992. By 1998 they had 4000 members present in 25 of 99 Chenalhó communities. They identified themselves with bees, who stung with their words and produced justice (honey) for all.
The EZLN, emerging publicly in 1994, also sought nonviolent means, but was willing to defend themselves. By 1998 they had 11,000 members in 38 communities of Chenalhó.
Zapatistas form Alternative Government
Following the Zapatista uprising in Jan 94, all opposition groups supported the PRD.
PRD supporters held a pre-election of a township mayor they favored. The PRI in turn installed their own mayor and brought in federal troops. This led to the Zapatistas forming an autonomous government in Polho.
The PRIs responded to this with paramilitarization. While Las Abejas sympathized with the Zapatistas, they thought it too radical. The divisions led to the weakening of the PRD, and fearing loss of handouts, many people deserted the PRD for PRI.
Structure of Zapatistas and Word of God
Zapatistas built on Word of God movement, and marked the first politization of Protestants. Like in WoG, townships had zones with representatives, and parallel duties of PRI officials.
Praxis of WoG movement was “see, analyze, act”. They held weekly meetings, ruled by concensus, and reflected on oppresion, the economic crisis of households, and loss of identity. They discussed:
· alcohol abuse: True men and women shouldn’t drink alcohol, but substitute soda for rum.
· domination of Spanish language,
· male domination over females.
· Youth abandoning falsetto voice of respect for elders.
Zapatistas wanted to preserve this later tradition, but also also sought to include women and youth in decision making. Childcare and household labor limit womens participation in meetings.
Zapatistas took action through revitalization movements and campesino organizing.
Revitalization Movement
Revitalization was a movement to reclaim Pedrano identity and autonomy. In the 70s, a respected Traditionalist elder dreamt of the Virgin Mary, who told him to hold fiestas honoring her with soda rather than rum. The festivals were intended to bring Word of God members back into the Traditionalist faith. This was the seeds of the movement. Now, in the 90s, the revitalization movement sought to avoiding use of PRI resource such as water, electricity, tin roofs, clinics, schools, and to reevaluate traditions and find alternatives to neoliberal economics.
Part of the movement was in analyzing their traditions, “good” ones were kept like marriage, use of healing herbs, and celebration of the Day of the Dead. “Bad” ones consisted mostly of men behaving badly: drinking, adultery, preventing women schooling and denying women inheritence. These were discarded, and men agree to this, at least in public.
Reconciling Zapatista and Local ideas
The Revitalization movement also helped to reconcile local ideas with EZLN ideas.
For example, Zapatistas wanted to see women in leadership roles in meetings. But childcare, housework (and language barriers) made this difficult. Instead women found identity and leadership roles in baking and weaving. These funded the EZLN bases as well as their family.
EZLN rhetoric also said that one only need take away “bad government” and oppression will end. But Pedranos saw all as capable of abuse, and thought that all must work hard daily to compose themselves well. They have seen their own join paramilitaries for money and power. Pedranos also balked at serverity of Zapatistas punishment methods. Zapatistas also favored Western medicine over traditional healing. Further, while Zapatistass emphasize commonalities of all peoples, Pedranos emphasized local traditions and identity.
Rise of Paramilitaries and Acteal
1996 saw a shift where the enemy was no longer outside elites but locals. With the rise of paramilitaries, funded by govt programs and protected by military and police, who officially have truce with Zapatistas. Paramilitary present in 17 hamlets, contorl 8, have 250 people. Young men with no land, who work outside of communities. Paras terrorize people and 1000 flee to refugge camps, big ones near Polho, consisting of all opposition groups and independents.
The Acteal massacre, in nearby Los Naranjos refuguee camp, took place on Dec 22, 1997. The Red Mask (La Mascara Roja), composed of 60 men with AK-47s, murdered 21 women, 9 men, 15 children shooting from 1130 am to 430pm. The military was complicit, with Brig Gen Julio Cesar Santiago Diaz and other officers just 200 meters away from site of massacre. The military was later seen whitewashing the walls and claimed the massacre a result of a family feud.
Repercussions of Massacre
The massacre led to an international call of demilitirization and the demand of the adoption of the San Andreas Accords. This call went unheaded. The massacre led to a “commitee of reconciliation” that helped to unite Las Abejas and the Zapatistas. Military presence increased under the pretext of protecting people and social work projects. Pedro Migel force to leave in wave of zenophobia. Zaps and Las Abejas say they follow in footsteps of Saints Peter and Paul, to bring peace and justice. The violence in Chenalhó came with high social and ecomomic costs for the region. Example of Ejidos Majomut coffee collective, sold 210 tons in year before paramilitary buildup, and only 35 tons the following year.
Pedranos Moving Forward
Pedranos still take agency to determine their future. Religion plays an important role. Hamlet groups reconcile contradictions between local values and identities with those of various religious groups. Liberation is overall goal, beyond mere autonomy. Revitalization movement is key, and helps relate Zap agenda to a larger concept of justice, and opens common discussion space for Zapatistas who support the alternative township and Pedranos in civil society.
Government still inhibiting progress
The state has continually disrupted Pedrnos search for solutions, pursuing structural readjustment and trade liberalization while ignoring basic needs, not signing San Andreas accords nor heeding demands for demilitirization. In 1999, still paramilitaries present, refugee camps, disease running rampant. But Pedranos perservere. “We are struggling to unite all Mexico and the world.” They see the world having the idea of liberation. Acteal can happen anywhere. Their survival methods are seeds to alternatives to oppression.
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